Manifesto ’26 Report

The Scottish Independence Convention brought together some of the movement’s leading ‘thinkers’ together with local activists to focus on what should lead the manifestos of the indy parties in the 2026 election. Some strong themes emerged around which there was much consensus and one area of difference. So, political parties, please listen.

First – what is wrong in the performance of the Scottish Government. Of course there is awareness that government is difficult and constantly demanding. Events can overtake the best intentions. But there was a widespread feeling that there has been little evidence for some years of a clear direction of change. Irrespective of the rhetoric, the reality has been only a cautious managerialism. Phrases used were “low ambition” and “lack of political courage” and “just being less worse isn’t enough”. It was said that Scotland feels like being in “a holding pen”, not being able to progress to independence but not seeing significant change within existing powers.

This is not because the big ideas are absent in Scotland or that we lack the intellectual ability and skills to implement them. Far from it. But they struggle to be heard in the bubble of civil servants, elected politicians, quango boards, commercial lobbyists. That bubble is dominated by ‘establishment’ values and interests and is risk averse. If they are serious about independence and real social and economic reform, pro-independence politicians need to escape from that bubble.

This problem of establishment-capture is common in governments throughout history and throughout the world. But we need to be better because our overarching aim is big. Independence is a radical disrupter of the status-quo. If you are going to give people confidence that a different and better future is possible, you need to show that you have both the vision and the nerve to make change happen with the powers that are under your control. That cautious bureaucratic managerialism may be alright if your political purpose does not involve radical change in existing power structures. But we need much better and so do Scottish voters.

There is no difficulty in getting a group of politically-aware people to identify the problems in contemporary Scotland and produce ideas to remedy those problems. Credible manifestos need both vision and serious practical plans. There was agreement that Scottish voters are increasingly cynical about big aspirations without those credible plans attached.

What are the priorities for change?

 

Control of Scotland’s Resources

This was a strong theme. Of course much depends on independence but there are powers there to be used. There was agreement that we were not getting the state and community benefit we should from Scotland’s rich resources and this was to a considerable extent Holyrood’s responsibility.

A genuine Scottish Energy Company can make a real start. There was a terrible failure in recent years to gain a much better share from renewables but we have to move on from that.

The power for radical land reform in Scotland is there to be used. Scotland has suffered from the degradation of its land. The prospectus for that reform has been done. It could be transformative for many communities throughout Scotland. Yet it has taken years of campaigning to get very weak legislation. The Scottish Government has listened to landowners more than reformers.

There isn’t any comprehensive Scottish food strategy that anyone was aware of.

Scottish industry has a very high proportion of external ownership. Yet Scottish Enterprise appears to be heavily preoccupied with attracting external companies ignoring the economic effect of profits going out of Scotland. There appears to be no strategy for sustaining Scottish ownership. Much more focus needed on developing and supporting our small/medium companies and consulting them on what will help them survive and grow. 

Need to review the role of the Scottish National Investment Bank. 

 

Governance

The importance of a radical fresh approach to democratic governance and community participation was a strong theme. Scotland was seen as excessively centralised and with bureaucratic managerialism much more prominent than democratic participation. It was suggested that feelings of frustrated powerlessness alienate many voters from mainstream politics.

Local Government reform cannot continue to be parked as too problematic. A system that is in many respects dysfunctional has to be addressed. Certainly the reform of local taxation must be a priority both for economic fairness and to strengthen local authority finances.

The current Quango structures have neither democratic accountability or a record of effective governance. They are subject to elite in-breeding with no room for ‘rebels’. 

A Commission on decentralisation was suggested. A Citizen’s Assembly could be a permanent part of Holyrood to review the effectiveness of the work of the legislature.

A Scottish Stock Exchange should be re-established.

 

Social Services

The key words were ‘Frontline First’ and this should be a big theme for the Holywood elections. It sends a message about resource priorities and public access. Wherever possible decisions should be devolved to front-line staff – away from centralised management and to community centred care teams, including GP services and policing.

There was support for a National Care Service but not for the Scottish Government proposed model which was in effect a centralised national commissioning service on neo-liberal principles. This was rejected at Holyrood and opposed by most of the main stakeholders. A new proposal should be introduced which is not profit-driven and which listens to local government, unions and voluntary sector.

Concern was also raised about child-care. While some progress had been made, it was far from comprehensive in practice. The importance is not just because of the need for good early-years development but there is also an economic importance by enabling more women(usually) to join the labour force.

 

Environment

There are few areas of public policy in which there is no environmental interest. Obviously energy policy and land use are central. We need a mission-oriented model across the policy board which covers construction, heating, food, transport, support for Scottish-based enterprise.

Along with the National Energy Company, there should be a National Insulation Company.

Sustainable Scotland has got to be a key theme but it must be strongly underpinned by credible planning and sustained by a public education programme. We cannot take for granted that the public will remain supportive when there are strong vested interests lobbying against.

 

Housing

A particular plea was made to give very high priority to housing policy. This has particular importance for several important demographic groups  – the 18-35s and many parts of rural Scotland. Homeless provision is creating increasing and costly problems for local government. A major retrofitting programme is central to carbon reduction and reduced domestic fuel costs.

All of this requires an integrated medium-term plan not a patchwork of policy bits and pieces. Local Authorities have borrowing powers and housing produces long-term income.

 

Holyrood Elections and Independence

There were different views on whether the manifesto for parliamentary elections, Holyrood or Westminster, should be promoted and used as de facto independence referendums. In favour was the argument that these were legal democratic expressions of public choice. Against was that these elections cover a large range of policy areas and that there is not current evidence that there would be an overall majority in the popular vote for pro-independence parties.

There was a proposal that there should be a new Claim of Right initiative demanding that Holyrood should have the power to hold an independence referendum.

There should be a push to reopen the Fiscal Framework agreement of the Smith Commission particularly to include borrowing powers for Holyrood.

There was agreement that it was important for the independence case that Holyrood creates confidence in Scotland’s potential and in our competence. We need high aspiration with credible planning and the nerve to deliver change. 

The speakers who participated were: Professor Iain Black, Selma Rahman, Professor Robbie Mochrie, Max Wiszniweski, Tommy Sheppard, Assa Samake-Roman, Nick Kempe, Simon Barrow, Robin McAlpine and contributions from the floor.